The Amazon rainforest is on fire!—It’s Bolsonaro’s fault.

In the early sixteenth century, a corner of the New World was colonized by Portuguese settlers. When they arrived in search of profitable commodities, they were struck by the vivid red mangroves along the coastline. It is believed they named the tree ‘brazilwood’ because of its fiery red color: ‘pau’ means ‘wood’ in Portuguese, and ‘brasil’ derives from ‘brasa’ or ‘ember.’ Once greedy merchants discovered that this tree yielded a rich, crimson dye, they forced local Tupi people into labor—(Translator’s note: Overexploitation caused a sharp decline in brazilwood populations)—thereby destroying the supply of brazilwood. 【Sidebar】On the term ‘pau-brasil’: Warren Dean documented this historical process authoritatively, noting, ‘Compared with the destruction of other ecosystems, the loss inflicted upon tropical forests is not only greater in terms of ecological diversity, complexity, and uniqueness—but also incalculable…’ Tropical forest species far exceed our capacity to catalog them, both now and in any foreseeable future. Thus, the disappearance of tropical forests constitutes a tragedy beyond human imagination. As capitalist plunder inflicts shocking devastation upon the Amazon rainforest, the world will once again confront this tragedy. Spanning over two million square miles, the Amazon rainforest covers roughly two-thirds of Brazil. Given the region’s sharply rising deforestation rates this summer, observers quickly identified a chief culprit: Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, who assumed office in January after presiding over Brazil’s most reactionary election in recent memory. As reported by National Geographic last October, Bolsonaro’s victory over center-left Workers’ Party candidate Fernando Haddad ‘sounded the alarm for the Amazon’s fate among Indigenous communities and environmentalists.’ Activists and local leaders especially worried about Bolsonaro’s campaign pledges—including dismantling protections for the rainforest and Indigenous rights. Beto Marubo, a local leader from an Indigenous territory larger than the combined area of New Hampshire, New Jersey, Connecticut, Delaware, and Rhode Island, told this newspaper: ‘If he fulfills his promises, chaos and upheaval will engulf the Amazon region.’ Marubo and others were right. Strong environmental laws are only as effective as their enforcement—and enforcement appears absent from Bolsonaro’s and his Environment Minister Ricardo Salles’s agenda. Salles believes the best way to protect the rainforest is to ‘monetize’ it. During his tenure as Environment Minister of São Paulo—the wealthiest Brazilian state—he was convicted of administrative misconduct and favoritism toward the powerful Federation of Industries of the State of São Paulo (FIESP). He reportedly developed deep suspicion toward his own staff, fostering an atmosphere of surveillance and distrust toward long-serving professionals. Ironically, he belongs to the New Party—a relatively new technocratic party, more fashionable and neoliberal compared to traditional Brazilian parties.

This is Lula’s and Brazil’s victory!

In March 2019, Bolsonaro met with Trump in the United States, openly declaring himself a fervent admirer of Trump and of American politics and lifestyle. In the environmental sphere, record-breaking destruction of the Amazon rainforest unfolded amid hollowed-out regulatory agencies and persecution of Indigenous leaders; images of forest fires and illegal land grabs spread globally, plunging Brazil into diplomatic isolation. In foreign policy, under Foreign Minister Ernesto Araújo, the Bolsonaro administration embraced the conspiratorial worldview of Brazilian right-wing writer and thinker Olavo de Carvalho: attacking China and Europe, blindly following Trump and Israel, antagonizing the United Nations, and withdrawing from the Paris Agreement. These positions harmed Brazilian exporters and fractured Brazil’s relations with traditional partners. Brazil’s pandemic response fully exposed the dark core of ‘Bolsonarism’: rejecting science, undermining vaccination efforts, and repeatedly replacing health ministers—turning Brazil into one of the world’s deadliest countries. While millions of families mourned lost loved ones, Bolsonaro mocked victims, encouraged mass gatherings, and promoted ineffective treatments. This tragedy split the economic and political elite: business leaders who had previously supported him began criticizing his disastrous public health policies for triggering economic turmoil. Trump’s defeat and Biden’s election in 2020 signaled the U.S. establishment’s intent to curb the radical tendencies of ‘Bolsonarism.’ Meanwhile, the ‘Car Wash’ anti-corruption operation collapsed amid scandals involving procedural abuse and political manipulation, paving the way for Lula’s exoneration and release from prison. Brazil’s economy, battered by both the pandemic and austerity measures, plunged into recession—further eroding Bolsonaro’s popular support. This political ebb culminated in 2022: unions, social movements, cultural figures, intellectuals, the middle class, and even parts of the business elite formed a broad democratic coalition to resist the far-right. Selecting Geraldo Alckmin—a moderate conservative and veteran of the Brazilian Social Democracy Party—as Lula’s running mate symbolized the coalition’s inclusivity. In the October 2022 general election, despite Bolsonaro’s deployment of state machinery, dissemination of disinformation, and intimidation tactics, he lost to Lula—whose political charisma remained undimmed. Bolsonaro then challenged the election results, pressured the military, and incited coup-related protests—leading directly to the January 8, 2023, riots. From electoral defeat to failed coup: How Bolsonaro’s conspiracy was crushed by Lula’s democratic front Bolsonaro’s defeat in the 2022 election did not end his authoritarian ambitions. After the runoff results were announced, his supporters blockaded highways and camped outside military barracks, demanding ‘military intervention.’ Strategically coordinated roadblocks by truck drivers—funded by Bolsonaro’s business allies—aimed to create shortages and economic chaos, thereby manufacturing pretexts for a coup. The Bolsonaro camp aggressively disseminated false claims of electronic voting fraud, echoing Trumpist election-fraud rhetoric. Bolsonaro himself maintained strategic silence, refusing to explicitly concede defeat, while his children and close associates laid groundwork for more radical actions. This conspiracy peaked on January 8, 2023—when thousands of extremists stormed and vandalized Brazil’s National Congress, Presidential Palace, and Supreme Court. Brazilian, U.S., and Israeli flags flew side-by-side, symbolizing Bolsonaroism’s subservience to Trumpism. Subsequent investigations revealed that senior officers—including three army generals and one navy admiral—actively participated in logistical support, deliberate dereliction of duty, and even planning of the attacks.

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