What is Venezuela really like as a country?

【Answer 1】【This article was published in August 2024 by the Revolutionary Communist International (RCI). Although the RCI has explicitly condemned the military aggression launched by the United States against the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, it remains necessary to use this article to clarify the true nature of the Maduro regime.】 Unconditional support for Venezuela in the current conflict does not imply our endorsement of the Maduro regime. Just as our solidarity with Iran during Trump and Netanyahu’s attacks on that country did not signify support for Tehran’s corrupt and reactionary theocratic regime, our stance is not determined by whether we agree with a given government or its policies—but rather rests upon the fundamental principle of proletarian internationalism. Any wavering on this issue constitutes a crime against the working class and a betrayal of proletarian internationalism. — RCI Statement: “Condemn Trump’s Aggressive Crime Against Venezuela!” “Urgent Clarification on Venezuela: How Did We Reach This Dead End?” August 2, 2024 — Jorge Martín The situation in Venezuela escalated rapidly following Sunday’s election. By Monday morning, the streets echoed with the sharp clatter of pots and pans—a traditional form of protest—denouncing Nicolás Maduro’s declaration of victory. In Caracas, protests erupted first in working-class and impoverished neighborhoods such as Petare, Catia, and 23 de Enero, then spread to communities including Dolores, Guarataro, Antímano, and eastern Caracas’ barrios. As of Monday, July 29, demonstrations are taking place nationwide, accompanied by police repression. Some protests have targeted military barracks. At Santa Capilla—just three blocks from Miraflores Palace (the Venezuelan president’s official residence)—demonstrators were blocked by the National Guard. Subsequently, large numbers of armed civilians arrived and opened fire—mostly into the air—to disperse the guards. Crisis and Chaos After Election Day How did we arrive at this point? On Sunday, Nicolás Maduro ran against María Corina Machado (though the official opposition candidate’s name is irrelevant—the real candidate behind the scenes is Machado). It must be understood that the Maduro government bears no relation to Chávez’s administration—in fact, it represents its exact opposite. The Bolivarian Revolution led by Chávez involved land expropriations, the establishment of communes, worker control, nationalizations, anti-imperialism, and open discussion of socialism. Under Maduro, however, bourgeois and oligarchic restoration has taken place—meaning land has been returned to landlords, re-privatization has occurred, workers’ control has been dismantled, collective bargaining undermined, and militant labor activists imprisoned. This government has also employed Bonapartist methods to eliminate opposition—not only from the right but also from the left. It has stolen the electoral registrations of national liberation movements—including the Tupamaros, the Venezuelan People’s Unity (UPV), the Patria Para Todos (PPT), and the Communist Party of Venezuela (PCV)—and even fabricated a fake party composed of bought-and-paid-for agents to usurp the PCV’s name.

Comprehensive Strategic Assessment of Venezuela’s National Crisis: From the Rise and Fall of the ‘Bolivarian Revolution’ to the Geopolitical Restructuring under ‘Operation Absolute Resolve’

【Answer 2】 • A Shift in Designation: From ‘Rogue State’ to ‘Criminal Organization’: The Trump administration has ceased treating the Maduro regime as the legitimate government of a sovereign state, instead defining it as a transnational drug trafficking organization named the ‘Cartel de los Soles’ (‘Sun Cartel’). This reframing transforms the U.S. military operation—from an ‘invasion of a sovereign state’ into an ‘international law enforcement action.’¹⁰ • Weaponization of Judicial Prosecution: U.S. Attorney General Pamela Bondi swiftly released indictments against Nicolás and Cilia Flores Maduro, charging them with ‘narco-terrorism conspiracy,’ ‘conspiracy to import cocaine,’ and ‘possession of machine guns and destructive devices.’¹⁰ This signals Washington’s intent to subject a foreign head of state to criminal trial in U.S. federal courts under domestic law—an approach invoking the controversial Ker-Frisbie doctrine, which holds that the manner in which a defendant is brought before a court does not affect jurisdiction, despite its profound implications under international law.¹⁰ • ‘Takeover,’ Not ‘Transfer’: The most striking strategic declaration lies in Trump’s plan for the transitional period. He explicitly stated that the United States would ‘run’ Venezuela until a ‘safe, appropriate, and prudent transfer of power’ could occur.¹² To implement this plan, a high-level committee comprising Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, and CIA Director John Ratcliffe has been designated as Venezuela’s ‘de facto leadership.’¹⁰ This indicates either deep skepticism within the U.S. administration about the opposition’s immediate capacity to assume control—or a deliberate intention to comprehensively reshape Venezuela’s political and security architecture prior to any formal handover of power. 1.3 Power Vacuum and Chaos Within Venezuela Maduro’s sudden arrest triggered an immediate and severe political earthquake inside Venezuela, creating an extremely dangerous power vacuum. • Fragmented Responses from Regime Remnants: • Political Level: Vice President Delcy Rodríguez attempted to sustain regime continuity, condemning the U.S. military operation on television as a ‘barbaric kidnapping’ and insisting Maduro remained the sole legitimate president.¹⁴ Yet with Maduro physically absent, such declarations ring hollow. • Military Level: Defense Minister Vladimir Padrino López, though appearing publicly in camouflage uniform to swear loyalty and announce activation of the ‘Plan Zamora’ emergency protocol, revealed the fragility of the command structure through the armed forces’ paralysis during the U.S. assault.¹⁵ Reports further indicate that Washington plans to introduce high-ranking defectors—including former generals—as witnesses, potentially accelerating internal disintegration within the military.¹⁷ • Opposition’s Opportunity and Challenges: • Legitimacy Claims: Opposition leader and de facto winner of the 2024 election, Edmundo González, alongside spiritual leader María Corina Machado, responded swiftly. Machado declared, ‘The moment of freedom has arrived,’ urging González to immediately assume the constitutional presidency and take command of the armed forces.¹⁴ • U.S. Indifference: Yet Trump, in his press conference, offered no direct endorsement of Machado’s or González’s call for immediate assumption of power—and even suggested Machado ‘lacks domestic support or respect,’ sparking deep anxiety among the opposition regarding Washington’s true intentions.¹⁴ • Social Unrest and Uncontrolled Violence: • Coexistence of Celebration and Rioting: Streets in Caracas displayed a fractured reality: anti-Maduro citizens celebrated in the streets, while pro-government armed collectives (‘Colectivos’) and criminal organizations such as the ‘Tren de Aragua’ instigated riots in certain areas.²¹ • Deteriorating Security: With police forces paralyzed and multiple armed factions active, many cities face imminent collapse of public order. Particularly dangerous is the prospect that criminal groups like the ‘Tren de Aragua’ will exploit the chaos to seize territory—potentially ushering in a ‘warlord-like’ fragmentation of authority.¹⁷

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