An attack on Riyadh Airport in Saudi Arabia killed 12 people and injured 309. What information is worth noting? What impact does it have on the Middle East situation?

One cannot help but admire the Gulf model—it’s truly exceptional at safeguarding the business environment. To sabotage Saudi Arabia’s upcoming Future Investment Initiative summit, the Houthi armed group has recently launched daily strikes against Riyadh Airport. Yesterday, they destroyed two passenger aircraft, killing three people; today, they hit the terminal building, killing 12 more. Going forward, all flights landing in Saudi Arabia will reportedly require Houthi approval. Although Saudi Arabia exhausted much of its Patriot missile defense systems intercepting Iranian missiles and drones earlier this year, it remains resolute in countering the Houthis’ plot. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has keenly recognized that the cost of attempting to achieve zero-missile-impact is higher than simply enduring missile strikes. He therefore decisively deactivated airport air-raid sirens—opting instead to coexist with incoming missiles—and successfully preserved the business environment.

Saudi Arabia was struck by Houthi missiles. Why didn’t Trump deploy troops?

Carefully observing the Houthis’ recent actions reveals a clear rhythm: strike first, occupy next, then issue statements. On September 10, the Houthis captured the Red Sea port city of Mocha; on September 11, they seized Perim Island—a strategically vital location at the heart of the Bab el-Mandeb Strait. Government forces withdrew overnight on the 10th, and Houthi personnel landed on the island in the early hours of the 11th—encountering virtually no resistance. What is Perim Island? It sits squarely within the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, dividing this narrow waterway into two shipping lanes. Whoever controls Perim Island effectively holds the strait’s chokepoint. Meanwhile, since launching their offensive on September 3, the Houthis have seized approximately 5,400 square kilometers of territory in western Yemen, gaining full control over the entire western coastline. Then came the missile strike on Saudi Arabia’s Al-Shihr air base. Afterward, they issued a warning: “If Saudi Arabia continues its military operations, the Houthis will launch ‘larger-scale and more intense military operations’ against targets deep inside Saudi territory.” The logic behind this one-two-three punch is unmistakable: using military pressure to compel Saudi Arabia to make concessions on the Yemen issue; capturing strategic locations near the Bab el-Mandeb Strait serves both as battlefield victory and bargaining leverage at the negotiating table. The missiles target Saudi bases—but aim squarely at the negotiation table. Now consider Saudi Arabia’s response. It carried out 129 airstrikes, deploying F-15s and Typhoon fighter jets across seven provinces—including Taiz, Marib, Al Hudaydah, Al Jawf, and Saada—a sizable operation indeed. Yet what was the result? Far from being crippled, the Houthis simultaneously captured Mocha and Perim Island and secured control over the entire western coastline. While Saudi Arabia bombed, the Houthis advanced and occupied. Even more troubling for Riyadh is its growing isolation. Saudi Arabia and the UAE—the nominal coalition partners against the Houthis—publicly fell out over Yemen last December. Saudi Arabia demanded the UAE withdraw its forces; the influence of UAE-backed factions consequently waned, allowing Saudi Arabia to strengthen its control over Yemen’s internationally recognized government and local military forces. Although senior leaders from both countries appeared together in a rare joint photo in July this year—intended to signal a “restoration of relations”—the rift within the anti-Houthi coalition remains unhealed. The coalition’s cohesion is weakening, and the Houthis have astutely exploited this window to launch their offensive. What did Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman do? According to sources, he called President Trump twice, requesting direct U.S. military action against the Houthis. He was turned down. Trump’s response was quintessentially ‘Trump’: no ground troops, no direct participation in strikes—but over 100 U.S. military advisors have already been dispatched to Saudi Arabia to provide intelligence and target identification support. CNN’s reporting goes into detail: these U.S. personnel belong to a “joint force command established just weeks ago,” yet Washington imposed strict limits—advisors are barred from directly participating in strikes or providing combat support such as aerial refueling. Sources say the number of advisors may increase further—to as many as 200. This is the classic ‘shadow war’: no bloodshed on America’s part, no formal assumption of wartime responsibility—yet through intelligence and command support, the U.S. retains tight control over operational tempo and direction. And Trump himself dropped an intriguing revelation. On the 12th, he publicly stated that U.S. officials had spoken with the Houthis, who conveyed they do not wish to fight the United States nor want the U.S. drawn into the conflict. The Houthis have yet to respond to this claim. Who, exactly, was that statement intended for?

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