Turkey’s military deployment to Libya has complex underlying reasons.

After the overthrow of the Gaddafi regime in 2011, Libya descended into civil war and, since 2014, has been divided into two rival administrations—the western-based Government of National Accord (GNA), recognized by the United Nations and controlling the capital Tripoli; and the eastern-based Libyan National Army (LNA), backed by warlord Khalifa Haftar, which has repeatedly threatened an all-out assault on Tripoli. Currently, Haftar receives support from Russia, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Jordan. His forces launched multiple military offensives toward Tripoli beginning last April. On November 27 last year, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan met with GNA Prime Minister Fayez al-Sarraj in Istanbul and signed two memoranda: a ‘Memorandum of Understanding on Delimitation of Maritime Jurisdiction’ and a ‘Memorandum of Understanding on Security and Military Cooperation’. The agreements stipulate mutual recognition of each other’s exclusive economic zones and commit both sides to security and military collaboration. On December 31, 2019, İbrahim Kalın, spokesperson for the Turkish Presidency, stated that Turkey would continue its unwavering support for the UN-recognized GNA. Turkey’s Military Move into Libya: What Lies Behind It? In recent years, the rich oil and gas resources of the Eastern Mediterranean have drawn increasing international attention. Coastal states—including Turkey, Israel, Egypt, Cyprus, Greece, Lebanon, Syria, and Libya—as well as extra-regional powers such as the U.S., Russia, the UK, France, Italy, and South Korea, all vie for a share of this vast energy bounty and seek to exploit hydrocarbon resources in the region. Companies including the Turkish Petroleum Corporation (TPAO), U.S.-based ExxonMobil, France’s TotalEnergies, Italy’s Eni, Korea Gas Corporation (KOGAS), QatarEnergy, British Gas (BG Group), and Israel’s Delek are actively exploring for oil and gas across the Eastern Mediterranean. Energy interests constitute another key motive behind Turkey’s involvement in Libya. In recent years, Turkey has intensified its efforts to locate petroleum resources. In April 2017, Turkey dispatched the seismic survey vessel Barbaros Hayreddin Paşa to the Eastern Mediterranean to launch exploration activities in the area. Subsequently, in May 2018, it sent the drillship Fatih; and in June 2019, the drillship Yavuz—both deployed to conduct petroleum exploration in the same region. According to Turkey’s Sabah newspaper, the Eastern Mediterranean holds an estimated 3.5 trillion cubic meters of natural gas and 2 billion barrels (approximately 270 million tons) of oil. Its natural gas reserves alone could meet Turkey’s domestic demand for 572 years. The ‘Memorandum of Understanding on Delimitation of Maritime Jurisdiction’ signed between Turkey and Libya aims to secure legal rights over substantial hydrocarbon resources lying within their respective exclusive economic zones. For Turkey, safeguarding the GNA is essential to ensuring the legal validity of these shared interests. Meanwhile, the ‘Memorandum of Understanding on Security and Military Cooperation’ was ratified by the Turkish Grand National Assembly in November 2019 and has entered into force. Trump Warns Erdoğan Screenshot from The Hill On February 2, the Turkish Presidency issued a statement announcing that President Erdoğan had spoken by telephone with U.S. President Donald Trump to discuss developments in Libya and Syria, among other regional issues. Both leaders emphasized the importance of diplomacy in resolving regional conflicts and agreed to strengthen bilateral cooperation. According to a concurrent statement released by the White House, Trump discussed U.S.–Turkey relations and regional matters during his call with Erdoğan.

Libya’s New Oil and Gas Block Tender: A Comprehensive Analysis of Political, Economic, Legal, and Investment Opportunities and Risks Amid Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Hidden Perils in the Gulf of Sidra

Following the launch of the tender process, international capital responded enthusiastically: In June 2025, the National Oil Corporation of Libya (NOC) signed a memorandum of understanding with Turkey’s state-owned petroleum company TPAO to jointly conduct geological and geophysical studies across four offshore areas; in July, BP signed a cooperation agreement with NOC to assess development prospects for the Sarir and Messla oilfields and exploration potential in adjacent areas—and BP has indicated its intention to resume operations in Libya in Q4 2025 and reopen its Tripoli office; in August, NOC signed an agreement with U.S.-based ExxonMobil to carry out detailed technical studies on four offshore blocks along Libya’s northwest coast and near the Sirte Basin. These developments signal the initial return of international capital to Libya. Figure 1: Map of NOC’s 2026 Tender Blocks Figure 2: Location of Libya’s Largest Oil and Gas Fields I. Libya’s Political and Military Landscape: The Real-World Basis for NOC’s Unified Operations In February 2011, the ‘Arab Spring’ swept across Libya, prompting mass protests demanding an end to Muammar Gaddafi’s 42-year rule. By October that year, the Gaddafi regime collapsed under combined pressure from NATO military intervention and domestic rebel forces. Yet this revolution failed to usher in democratic transition; instead, it triggered a decade-long civil conflict that plunged this ‘Jewel of North Africa’ into fragmentation and chaos. (I) Fragmentation and Turmoil in the Post-Gaddafi Era 1. In November 2011, the National Transitional Council (NTC) was established—but its authority extended only to Tripoli, leaving it unable to govern the country effectively. Numerous armed groups seized weapons from former regime stockpiles, resulting in hundreds of militias carving up the country. 2. Libya’s first parliamentary elections in 2012 sparked controversy and political deadlock; by 2013, the country had split into a ‘dual-parliament’ system: the General National Congress (GNC) entrenched itself in Tripoli, while the House of Representatives (HoR) relocated to the eastern city of Tobruk—further fragmenting national authority. 3. In May 2014, eastern military commander Khalifa Haftar launched ‘Operation Dignity’ in an unsuccessful attempt to topple the Tripoli-based government. In August that year, Haftar’s Libyan National Army (LNA) seized control of eastern and central Libya, establishing a prolonged standoff with the Tripoli authorities—formally dividing Libya into two rival camps. 4. During the 2014–2016 civil war, external powers intervened deeply: Turkey and Qatar backed the Tripoli government, while Egypt, the UAE, and Russia supported the LNA—turning Libya into a battleground for great-power geopolitical rivalry. 5. From 2016 to 2020, the conflict reached a stalemate: the LNA controlled major cities in the east and center, while the Government of National Unity (GNU) held sway in the west. Though a UN-brokered ceasefire was reached, localized clashes persisted. 6. In July 2021, the GNU and the LNA signed the ‘Oil Revenue Distribution Agreement’ and established the High Financial Committee (HFC), laying an economic foundation for peace. Between 2022 and 2023, progress on political transition stalled, and UN-supported election preparations were postponed due to persistent disagreements. In 2024, a dispute over leadership of the Central Bank triggered a temporary halt in oil production—later restored following UN mediation. In 2025, the GNU announced the tender for oil blocks, marking a new phase in Libya’s economic reconstruction. In January 2026, Libya’s oil output stabilized at 1.38–1.40 million barrels per day—a 12-year high—while the GNU and LNA, under UN supervision, reached consensus on election timelines. The international community continues to support Libya’s peace process.

Turkish Army Pension Fund Enters Libyan Oil Trade

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Turkey's military pension fund Oyak has begun trading 6 million barrels of Libyan crude monthly via TPIC, significantly increasing Ankara's influence in Libya's energy sector. The fund plans to expand into energy trading, potentially partnering with major firms like Saudi Aramco.

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