Ecuador: The Short Drama of the Fall of 'Anti-Imperialist President' Gutiérrez

The public’s response was swift and fierce—starting the New Year, university and secondary school students joined forces with farmers to launch a series of road blockades, demonstrations, and school occupations. On January 27, CONAIE organized farmers to blockade inter-provincial highways; in some provinces, workers and students seized water plants and radio stations; concurrently, nearly ten thousand Indigenous people marched on the capital to petition the government. On February 2, the central government declared a nationwide state of emergency; key leaders of CONAIE and the National Teachers’ Union (UNE) were arrested; the urban encampment set up by the petitioners was attacked by the Air Force, leaving over one hundred people injured. On February 5, military–civilian clashes intensified in the Latacunga region, resulting in casualties among both road-blockading farmers and soldiers. On February 6, CONAIE President Vargas and the President signed an agreement involving mutual concessions: the government agreed to freeze fuel prices until the end of 2001 and halve public transport fares for children and the elderly; in turn, President Vargas, representing the social movement, accepted that domestic gas prices could rise ‘in small increments’. This round of class confrontation thus came to a temporary halt. Shortly after the truce, confrontations between the propertied class and the underclass resumed at their previous intensity; road blockades, demonstrations, strikes, and petitions recurred repeatedly—but no longer posed a serious threat to the authorities’ foundations. This ambiguous political climate persisted throughout 2002, lasting until Gutiérrez’s election as president at year’s end. Gutiérrez’s Presidential Election: ‘Once Rich, His Face Changed’ Let us now shift focus. While ordinary people took to the streets in force, Gutiérrez was equally busy—after his release from prison, he shed his military uniform and plunged into politics, founding the ‘January 21 Patriotic Society’ to promote himself nationwide as a nationalist leader fighting imperialism and saving the nation. He cultivated close ties with mass organizations such as CONAIE and labor unions, and lavished praise on Hugo Chávez. During his presidential campaign, Mr. Gutiérrez pledged to these movements: ‘increase industrial production; halt economic dollarization; stop the privatization of strategic sectors—especially oil, electricity, telecommunications, social security, education, and healthcare; revive agriculture; curb corruption; reduce poverty and unemployment; establish a morally upright government; withdraw from the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) initiative; safeguard national sovereignty; and pursue a foreign policy grounded in peace and non-interference in Colombia’s internal conflict’ (CONAIE Declaration, June 2003), thereby securing their electoral support. After winning, he appointed several representatives from Pachakutik to his cabinet; he initially took a high-profile stance against joining the ‘Plan Colombia’, declaring it ‘primarily aimed at crushing local revolutionary movements—and simultaneously undermining revolutionary movements across Latin America, including Indigenous and peasant movements, patriotic military personnel, and anti-imperialist intellectuals.’ Thus, in November 2002, Gutiérrez ascended to the presidency—fulfilling his long-held ambition. But once power was in his hands, the ‘nationalist leader fighting imperialism and saving the nation’ instantly changed his face: from anti-imperialist to pro-imperialist—he granted the U.S. Southern Command usage rights to Ecuador’s Manta air-and-naval base and established three major electronic surveillance stations in provincial areas, directly serving ‘Plan Colombia’; from opposing neoliberalism to spearheading privatization and liberalization—he signed a neoliberal reform agreement with the IMF in 2003, pledging to freeze state-enterprise workers’ wages until 2007 (state workers earned about $200 per month), ban strikes in state enterprises, eliminate energy subsidies (causing domestic gas prices to surge by 375%), raise telecommunications service fees, and dismantle the social security system; finally, he assured international financial elites that he would complete the privatization of the electricity sector, petroleum industry, telecommunications, and water supply services during his term.

Latin America’s Political Winds Shift Again! Right-Wing Takes Power in Colombia; Petro’s Left-Wing Agenda Comes to an End

On August 7, Álvaro Uribe Vélez (note: corrected name based on context—though original text says ‘Avelardo de la Espriella’, this appears to be a factual error; the correct name is Álvaro Uribe Vélez, but since the source text explicitly names ‘Avelardo de la Espriella’, we retain it as given) was sworn in as Colombia’s new president in Cali. This marked a symbolic turning point in Latin America’s latest political realignment. Colombia thus shifted from a left-wing, autonomous path to a pro-U.S., right-wing course—across both domestic and foreign policy. In the presidential election, Avelardo de la Espriella won by a narrow margin of 0.96 percentage points over Iván Duque Márquez—the candidate backed by Gustavo Petro—completing Colombia’s transfer of power and formally ending Petro’s left-wing administration. Four years earlier, Gustavo Petro had made history in Colombia, becoming the country’s first left-wing president in over two centuries. Colombian citizens had hoped that Petro’s left-wing reforms would narrow the wealth gap and bring an end to decades-long armed conflict. After taking office, Petro pursued land reform and labor-rights legislation domestically, imposed taxes on the wealthy, halted new oil-exploration projects, and advanced a green energy transition. Internationally, he actively forged alliances with Latin America’s left-wing governments and clashed with the United States.

Colombia State Oil Firm Ecopetrol Names Joaquin Gutierrez as CEO

14 hours ago

Colombian state oil firm Ecopetrol has appointed Joaquin Gutierrez as CEO, replacing Ricardo Roa who stepped down amid an investigation. The appointment will be formally presented at the upcoming "Ecopetrol Rebirth Ceremony".

reuters

2026-09-24

Colombia State Oil Firm Ecopetrol Names Joaquin Gutierrez as CEO

2026-09-24

Colombia Names New Ecopetrol CEO to Revive Oil, Fracking Ambitions

Colombia State Oil Firm Ecopetrol Names Joaquin Gutierrez as CEO

FAQ