(Machine-translated) Chapter 5: Chianciano, Another Split, and the Left-wing Alliance

If the 'Vendola faction' endorsed these arguments—and if external actors (Fava, Tronti, Green Party representatives) also supported them—then criticism from the majority of the Refoundation Party was extremely sharp, particularly targeting the 'transcendentalism' that went beyond any communist perspective and its theoretical foundations. This theme resurfaced at the National Steering Committee meeting on December 2, a gathering endowed with the character of a Political Committee. Ferrero characterized the right-wing government’s choice as a populist, referendum-style maneuver, already facing resistance from numerous social movements and strikes organized by the Italian General Confederation of Labour (CGIL), with rank-and-file unions also participating. The minority faction was accused of prioritizing internal struggles—aimed at provoking a split—over the necessary mass mobilizations. Responses were highly charged. Grazia Marchia asked Ferrero: 'Do you wish to be secretary of the entire party, or only of the majority faction?' Alfonso Gianni stated: 'My aim is not to dissolve the Refoundation Party, but to transcend it: I will work toward achieving a broad electoral coalition.' The conflict continued at the Political Committee meeting held on December 13–14. The day before, CGIL’s strike had yielded positive results; reported participation figures (e.g., 100,000 in Milan and Turin, 30,000 in Bari protesting against Ilva Steel) often exceeded the unions’ own registered membership. In some cities, students also joined the action. Epifani criticized the government and questioned Confindustria (the Italian employers’ federation), demanding the reallocation of benefits lost by employees in recent years. Ferrero declared: 'Today, people have brought their will to resist into the squares.' Rinaldini spoke of an unprecedented current crisis and the risk of massive layoffs. CGIL must avoid isolation—a danger exacerbated by attacks on union autonomy and the government’s attempt to reduce unions to mere service providers. At the Central Political Committee (CPN) meeting, Ferrero outlined proposals concerning future alliances, the economic crisis, and the management and editorial orientation of the newspaper Liberazione. The party’s minority faction attended only half the meeting, then moved to another room to hold a joint assembly with Democratic Left and other organizations. Following a tribute to Rocco Papandrea, recently deceased Secretary of the Piedmont Regional Federation, Ferrero analyzed the deepening economic crisis, identifying two divergent paths out of it—one left, one right. The trade union confederation must abandon its policy of negotiation jointly pursued with the Democratic Party. The way out lies in implementing redistributive policies—including inheritance and wealth taxes, cuts to military spending, guaranteed wage subsidies for all, and nationalization of banks. Local party alliances must be reviewed, especially following judicial investigations implicating parts of the Democratic Party-led government. In the next elections, the party will use its official emblem, and 50% of candidates on its lists must be non-members. It rejects any alliance with the centre-left coalition. The proposal to coordinate left-wing forces was strongly reaffirmed. The dispute over Liberazione: The issue is not about the newspaper’s or its journalists’ autonomy, but rather about the paper pursuing an editorial line distinct from that of the party.

Italy’s ENI S.p.A.: One of the World’s Seven Largest Oil Companies

Business Scope Primarily engaged in oil and gas exploration and production, refining, and petrochemicals; also active in machinery, metallurgy, engineering construction, and finance. Operating Regions ENI’s operations span more than 20 countries worldwide, with specialized subsidiaries managing distinct business lines. Historical Development From Two Oil Wells In 1860, the company Azienda di Oli e Gas di Ozano Aquile in Parma Province drilled two oil wells—32 meters and 45 meters deep—yielding a daily output of 25 kilograms. This marked the origin of Italy’s oil and gas industry. ENI S.p.A. In 1926, Italy established AGIP (Azienda Generale Italiana Petroli), the Italian General Petroleum Company. During this period, Italy also formulated its national oil and gas policy. In 1953, Italy founded ENI S.p.A. with an initial capital of $1.1 billion, establishing it as a state-controlled holding company. Its founding purpose was to consolidate all energy-sector activities under a single entity to formulate and implement Italy’s national energy strategy. State Recognition of an Entrepreneur ENI’s headquarters is located at Piazza Enrico Mattei 1, Rome. This address commemorates Enrico Mattei—the first president of ENI—and his foundational contributions to Italy’s oil and gas industry. It represents the highest form of national recognition bestowed upon an entrepreneur. Before assuming the presidency of ENI, Mattei had served as acting president of AGIP and possessed comprehensive expertise in Italy’s national energy policy, development, and production. Under his leadership, ENI subsequently absorbed AGIP itself. From its inception, ENI faced two formidable challenges: First, postwar economic recovery generated surging energy demand, yet Italy’s domestic hydropower and coal resources proved insufficient to meet it—necessitating large-scale oil imports from abroad. However, the postwar international landscape had shifted: former colonial powers could no longer secure oil and gas resources through the same coercive means used before. Second, domestically, Italy’s indigenous hydrocarbon resources consisted predominantly of natural gas. To reduce dependence on imported oil, Italy needed to leverage its comparative advantage by intensifying natural gas development and utilization. Catalyst for OPEC’s Formation In 1957, ENI secured oil concessions in Iran, agreeing to a profit-sharing ratio of 75:25 in Iran’s favor. Throughout the 1960s, ENI expanded cooperation across more than a dozen Middle Eastern countries in oil and gas exploration, production, and refining—broadening its operational scope. This concession-based model replaced prewar Western oil companies’ hardline stance toward producing nations, granting host countries greater decision-making authority over licensing exploration and development—and thereby securing significantly higher returns. This new cooperative paradigm ultimately spurred oil-producing nations to establish OPEC, enabling full sovereign control over their energy resources. The shift toward equitable agreements between industrialized and oil-producing countries began with Italy’s ENI. ENI S.p.A. In the 1970s, after acquiring the mining company EGAM, ENI gained substantial oil reserves from the Middle East, Algeria, and the North Sea. In 1981, ENI signed a Sino-Italian cooperation agreement with China’s Ministry of Chemical Industry and the China National Institute of Chemical Industry, launching joint research and development initiatives in petrochemicals and synthetic materials.

Southern Italy Faces Fuel Shortage Risk as Ilva Protests Impact Eni Refinery

16 hours ago

Labor disputes over the Ilva steelworks triggered protests blocking Eni's Taranto refinery, causing fuel shortages across southern Italy and disrupting airport supplies. Eni warned of potential controlled shutdowns if disruptions persist, while the government extends furlough measures.

reuters

2026-10-14

Southern Italy Faces Fuel Shortage Risk as Ilva Protests Impact Eni Refinery

Southern Italy Faces Fuel Shortage Risk as Ilva Protests Impact Eni Refinery

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