Canadian Prime Minister Carney’s speech has drawn global acclaim. From a market perspective, is Carney’s claim—‘the old order is gone, and small, medium, and large entities must unite’—achievable?

From a market perspective? Carney’s speechwriting skills are indeed impressive—but consider his own backyard: in Alberta, thousands of people queued up late at night in freezing Canadian winter temperatures to vote for independence. Before asking about market feasibility, perhaps Carney should first explain how he plans to handle this surging independence movement. A referendum could be held as early as this autumn—assuming, of course, that Carney remains in office long enough to see it through.

[Federal Leviathan] An Inquiry into Canadian Ideology (Part I: Overview)

The Quebec government has published its own consolidated constitutional text—now in its fourth edition: the first edition, released on 1 January 2021, contained no new provisions but explicitly rejected the federal Department of Justice’s ‘indirect amendment’ doctrine—a legal principle upheld for over half a century; the second edition, issued on 1 June 2022, asserted the legitimacy of its two provincial amendments; the third edition, dated December 2022, affirmed the validity of section 128Q.1; and the fourth edition, published on 14 November 2023, incorporated Saskatchewan’s section 90S.1. Footnote 38 of this fourth edition states: ‘Section 90S.1 is reprinted by permission of the King’s Printer for Saskatchewan.’ The two provinces have formally endorsed each other’s unilateral constitutional amendments—not only ignoring Ottawa entirely, but doing so with such seriousness that they even secured copyright authorization. To date, Canada lacks a single, uncontested authoritative constitutional text. The federal government maintains its own version; Quebec maintains its own. Italics and roman typeface alike speak past one another. How can a country that cannot even agree on how to typeset its own constitution possibly speak of a unified national ideology? IV. Watching Others Dance While Wearing Shackles The only ideology successfully codified into nationwide legislation in Canada is precisely the injunction: ‘There shall be no unified national ideology.’ South of the border, the ‘melting pot’ narrative—though socially organic—has been backed by state machinery: public school systems, oaths of allegiance, and linguistic assimilation pressures. As for East Asia’s ideological apparatus—those who understand, understand. Under Canada’s exceptionally loose national ideological architecture, every province plays its own tune and sings its own song. At least children in Ontario still sing the national anthem at school—children in Vancouver need not. Of course, Canadians cannot be wholly blamed. Although the 1982 patriation of the Constitution replaced 1867 in the nation’s founding narrative—marking a new symbolic beginning—in law, Section 53 and the Schedule of the Constitution Act, 1982 merely renamed the British North America Act as the Constitution Act, 1867, which remains fully in force today. The Liberal Party changed the story—but legally inherited the old framework. Officially, this substitution is described as ‘maturation,’ not ‘rupture.’ Even the official narrative refuses revolutionary negation—and dares not raise the banner of national unity, settling instead for the ‘mosaic’ metaphor. In my view, multiculturalism is the gravestone marking the failure of unified ideology; Pierre Trudeau Sr. merely presided over the funeral of collective ideological consensus. V. The Foundational ‘Legacy Code’ The Regina Manifesto of 1933 offers a particularly telling example. It stands among the most radical mainstream socialist platforms in Canadian history. The manifesto concludes with this stark declaration: ‘No C.C.F. Government will rest content until it has eradicated capitalism.’ Even this socialist manifesto simultaneously calls for the eradication of capitalism *and* scrupulously respects provincial jurisdiction. For any seasoned Canadian politician seeking to promote an ideological agenda, a host of immediate questions arise: What about Quebec? What about the provinces? What about linguistic and religious communities? What about Indigenous peoples? A highly unified ideological state must possess the capacity to answer these questions—and ultimately define which identities belong *to* the state and which identities must submit *to* the state.

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